Dear Mulindwa you have a very right point below!
And effectively "no Arab or white ever collected slaves from Africa, they sat on African ports of entry, and Africans themselves collected themselves and sold themselves to the whites and Arabs".
That is what AU is doing today with its virtually redundant court, despite having a budget of more than $50 million per annum. That famous court also operates like the International Court of Justice (ICJ), in that a state party must first agree to be sued in the court for any action to proceed".
Sir Habre is in problem because westerner sponsors want him to pay for probably something that went wrong in their agreements and business, not because he mistreated and killed black Africans. As simple as that sir and we guess that through these sentences:
" Hissène Habré is a former U.S. ally who's been described as "Africa's Pinochet. He came to power with the help of the Reagan administration in 1982. The U.S. provided Habré with millions of dollars in annual military aid and trained his secret police, known as the DDS".
Sir Deby was first used to do the job of pushing Habre out of the power in a coup and now a Special Ad-Hoc Court, set up by a Special Resolution of the African Union, just one-off and not a permanent court is finishing him.
African rulers must know that they can abuse their people as long and as much they want, but once one does not comply with the West will, he will quickly end bobby-trapped (e.g. Gaddafi, Gbagbo, Mobutu, Habyarimana, etc.).
________________________________________
De : ugandans-at-heart@googlegroups.com <ugandans-at-heart@googlegroups.com> de la part de Herrn Edward Mulindwa <mulindwa@look.ca>
Envoyé : mercredi 1 juin 2016 14:41
À : ugandans-at-heart@googlegroups.com
Objet : RE: {UAH} Habré verdict is a landmark decision
Again, before you bark against your very own Africans, at what point will you stand up to demand a killer like Tony Blair to stand trial? The man is sitting right in your country. Why are those that were killed by Habre of more value to those killed by Tony Blair? And I fail to get this phenomenon that eats Africans this way, to sing any song as long as it is against themselves. But again history has educated us very well, that no Arab or white ever collected slaves from Africa, they sat on African ports of entry, and Africans themselves collected themselves and sold themselves to the whites and Arabs. And here we so are this man started his day by praising how important was Bill Clinton, even at what he did in Kosovo. When he arrived at a time to write about his own continent he pulled out Habre. Do you want to raise the Obama's name a man that has used drones than any past presidents to murder with no question asked, Africans will fall on their feet praising him, even though he sent more than 350 drones in just one term. The only bad man Africans know is Muamma Gadhafi. A man that paid most of the education many Africans got in many African countries.
We are really black people.
EM
On the 49th Parallel
Thé Mulindwas Communication Group
"With Yoweri Museveni, Ssabassajja and Dr. Kiiza Besigye, Uganda is in anarchy"
Kuungana Mulindwa Mawasiliano Kikundi
"Pamoja na Yoweri Museveni, Ssabassajja na Dk. Kiiza Besigye, Uganda ni katika machafuko"
-----Original Message-----
From: ugandans-at-heart@googlegroups.com [mailto:ugandans-at-heart@googlegroups.com] On Behalf Of Bobby Alcantara
Sent: Wednesday, June 01, 2016 8:04 AM
To: ugandans-at-heart <ugandans-at-heart@googlegroups.com>
Subject: Re: {UAH} Habré verdict is a landmark decision
In Historic Ruling, Ex-Dictator of Chad Hissène Habré Convicted of Crimes Against Humanity
May 31, NEXT: From U.S. Ally to Convicted War Criminal: Inside Chad's Hissène
Former U.S.-backed dictator of Chad, Hissène Habré, has been convicted of crimes against humanity and sentenced to life in prison. Habré is accused of killing as many as 40,000 people during his eight years in power in the 1980s. At the landmark trial in Senegal, Habré was convicted of rape, sexual slavery and ordering killings during his reign of terror. Habré was tried in a special African Union-backed court established after a two-decade-long campaign led by his victims.
This is the first time the leader of one African country has been prosecuted in another African country's domestic court system for human rights abuses. We go to Dakar, Senegal, to speak with Reed Brody, counsel and spokesperson for Human Rights Watch. He has worked with victims of Hissène Habré's regime since 1999 and played a critical role in bringing Habré to trial.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
AMY GOODMAN: In an historic ruling in Dakar, Senegal, the former dictator of Chad, Hissène Habré, has been convicted of crimes against humanity and sentenced to life in prison. The former U.S.-backed leader is accused of killing as many as 40,000 people during his eight years of reign in power in the '80s. At the landmark trial in Senegal, Habré was also convicted of rape, sexual slavery and ordering killings during his reign of terror. This is Judge Gustave Kam announcing the court's decision on Monday.
JUDGE GBERDAO GUSTAVE KAM: [translated] Hissène Habré, the court condemns you to life in prison. You have a period of 15 days from the pronouncement of this judgment to appeal the decision in accordance with the criminal procedure code.
AMY GOODMAN: Habré was tried in a special African Union-backed court established after a two-decade-long campaign led by his victims. This is the first time the leader of one African country has been prosecuted in another African country's domestic court system for human rights abuses. After the verdict was read, survivors of Habré's regime embraced each other in the courtroom. This is Souleymane Guengueng, founder of the Chadian Association of Victims.
SOULEYMANE GUENGUENG: [translated] Honestly, I'm very satisfied. I do not have the words, but let the name of God alone be glorified. It hurts me that many of my colleagues died along the way. They could not be here to see the result, which is why I was moved and brought to tears. But it is still a truly happy moment. I have to say it, but I cannot say it enough. Hissène Habré was sentenced to life imprisonment. He will finish off his life in prison, and that's all we wanted. I hope this serves as a lesson to all the other dictators out there.
AMY GOODMAN: Hissène Habré is a former U.S. ally who's been described as "Africa's Pinochet." He came to power with the help of the Reagan administration in 1982. The U.S. provided Habré with millions of dollars in annual military aid and trained his secret police, known as the DDS. After Habré's sentencing, Human Rights Watch's attorney Reed Brody tweeted, quote, "Habré's conviction for these horrific crimes after 25 years is a huge victory for his Chadian victims, without whose tenacity this trial never would have happened. This verdict sends a powerful message that the days when tyrants could brutalize their people, pillage their treasury and escape abroad to a life of luxury are coming to an end. Today will be carved into history as the day that a band of unrelenting survivors brought their dictator to justice," unquote.
Well, for more, we go directly to Dakar, Senegal, where we're joined via Democracy Now! video stream by Reed Brody, counsel and spokesperson for Human Rights Watch. He's worked with victims of Hissène Habré's regime since 1999 and played a critical role in bringing Habré to trial.
Reed Brody, welcome to Democracy Now! Share your reaction to the verdict yesterday.
REED BRODY: Thank you, Amy. Well, it's just an immense satisfaction. I mean, as the judge was reading the verdict and as we heard his—you know, the narrative that the victims have been weaving for 25 years, basically detailed by the judge, who found the allegations credible, and we could see—we could see the way the judge was heading. It was just this immense moment of satisfaction. And right after the verdict, you know, we were embracing, and there were a number of widows who had come from Chad specially for the occasion, who started ululating. And, you know, I have—you know, very few people thought that this day would ever come. One of them was Souleymane Guengueng, who you highlighted before. And just, I mean, last night with Souleymane until 1:00 in our hotel room, we were rewatching a TV reading of the verdict, and just hard to believe that, you know, this day has come, that these victims have finally achieved justice. It's—
AMY GOODMAN: Well, Reed, actually, talk about Souleymane Guengueng, who we just saw responding to the verdict. Tell us his story. I want to go back to 2008, when we spoke to this Chadian activist, who spearheaded the case. He described why it was so important to him for Habré to be tried. We're going to go to that clip in just a minute.
But tell us about what happened to Souleymane.
REED BRODY: So, Souleymane was a deeply religious civil servant. You know, he was thrown in jail on false charges. As people were dying around him in his prison cell, you know, he took an oath before God that if he ever got out, he would fight for justice. And when the prison—when Idriss Déby overthrew Hissène Habré and the prison doors swung open, Souleymane got together others and founded the first victims' association, and has been fighting since then. Many of Habré's accomplices were still and are still in Chad—mayors, police chiefs, governors. And they started making death threats against Souleymane and forced him to go into exile in the United States. And Souleyman's been fighting for the last 10 years. I mean, when you aired that in 2008, Amy, we had already been working together for nine years. That was seven years—no, eight years ago.
AMY GOODMAN: I've got that clip of Souleymane Guengueng right now from 2008.
SOULEYMANE GUENGUENG: [translated] For everyone who has lived this kind of situation, they need to know that as long as Hissène Habré is not brought to justice, psychologically, morally, we are not healed, and that remains in our heads. The example is, when we were in Dakar eight years ago with Reed to file the case, and when Hissène Habré was indicted for the first time, it's as if—those of us who were there, as if something came into our heads, and we were liberated from these things that were in our head. We, the victims, only really us, the victims, who understand how we need justice in order to be restored to our full strength and height; somebody who hasn't survived this kind of torture can't really understand that.
AMY GOODMAN: That's Chadian activist Souleymane Guengueng back in 2008. Reed Brody, take it from there.
REED BRODY: You know, this—Habré was arrested for the first time 16 years ago here in Senegal. And the previous government of Senegal just for 12 years gave us the runaround. I mean, Habré left—before Habré left Chad, he emptied out his country's treasury, and he brought all that money here to Senegal and created a web of political influence and support. He also, I think, silently had the support of a lot of other African heads of state, who made it clear they didn't want to see this precedent created. And so, the victims fought in Senegal.
When the case was thrown out in Senegal, they went to Belgium. Belgium investigated the case for four years, requested Habré's extradition.
Senegal said no. We actually made an ally of the African Union, which said to Senegal, "Well, if you don't want to extradite him to Belgium, you should prosecute him in Senegal." President Wade, then, of Senegal agreed, but he didn't do it.
And actually, Belgium took this case to the International Court of Justice, the World Court in The Hague. And in 2012, the World Court ruled by a unanimous decision that Senegal had a legal obligation to prosecute or to extradite Hissène Habré. And that same—in those same months, Macky Sall became the president of Senegal, and Macky Sall was one of the many leaders of Senegal who the victims had been visiting over the years, creating the political support here in Senegal, creating the political conditions. And since 2012, the government of Senegal has been behind this court, and as you said, it was a court established by Senegal and the African Union. The trial started last year, and yesterday we got the verdict.
AMY GOODMAN: We're going to talk about the U.S. role, going back to President Ronald Reagan in 1982, with the rise of the Chadian dictator, Hissène Habré, but we're going to break first. We're talking to Reed Brody, counsel and spokesperson for Human Rights Watch, who has been working with victims of Hissène Habré's regime since 1999 and played a critical role in bringing Habré to trial. We're speaking to him in Dakar, Senegal, where Habré was tried and convicted. Stay with us.
On 01/06/2016, Bobby Alcantara <bobbyalcantara94@gmail.com> wrote:
> Frank Mujabi,
>
> The African Union has got its own court called the African Court of
> Justice, which sits in Abidjan. Its protocol has howver not been
> ratified by most of its members, especially those notorious for
> violating human rights like Uganda, so the court is virtually
> redundant, despite having a budget of more than $50 million per annum.
> It also operates like the International Court of Justice (ICJ), in
> that a state party must first agree to be sued in the court for any
> action to proceed. This is one of the reasons the ICC was created
> because both the ICJ and the African Court of Justice proved totally
> unable to go after brutal dictators because their own countries would
> not agree for prosecutions to go ahead. Under the ICC statute, NO
> Permision is required as the court has UNIVERSAL JURISDICTION to try
> any offence referred to by the Security Council, or under its own
> mandate if a country is unable or unwilling to put offenders on trial.
>
> The Court that tried Hisenne Habre was an Special Ad-Hoc Court, set up
> by a Special Resolution of the African Union, which permitted Hisenne
> Habre to be tried by a Senegalese court. It is therefore just one-off
> and not a permanent court.
>
> It is worth noting that it was possible for the AU to put Hisenne
> Habre on trial because he had lost support from his sponsors. Remember
> he had been supported by the USA as a stooge against Colonel Gadaffi,
> and he then fell out with Gadaffi when the Libyan megalomaniac
> declared Chad to be a Federation with Libya. The USA eventually
> shifted its support for him, when it wanted the long civil war in the
> country to end, when an agreement was made with Gadaffi to end
> supporting both sides in the civil war. Hissenne Habre was sent to
> exile, arranged by the Americans, to neioghbouring Mauritania, little
> did he know he was enterring a trap, like Samuel Doe of Liberia.
> Mauritania then quickly deported him to Senegal and so the trial
> began, which ahs taken more than 14 years. Hissene Habre's fate just
> serves as an example to all African dictators like Kayibanda Museveni
> who set themselves up as American puppets and enforcers. Time always
> comes when the USA drops them as a hot potato.
>
>
>
>
> Habré verdict is a landmark decision bringing justice for tens of
> thousands of victims
>
> Today's judgment convicting former Chadian president Hissène Habré
> marks a significant moment for international justice and a huge relief
> for the tens of thousands of victims who have waited for this day for
> over 25 years, said Amnesty International.
>
> Following a trial which began in July last year, the Extraordinary
> African Chambers (EAC) in Dakar sentenced Habré to life imprisonment
> after he was found guilty of crimes against humanity, war crimes and
> torture committed in Chad between 1982 and 1990. He was found to have
> personally committed rapes. The chambers rejected the seizure of his
> property frozen during the trial.
>
> "This verdict is a victory for those victims who fought tirelessly to
> ensure Hissène Habré could not get away with crimes under
> international law. It demonstrates that when there is enough political
> will states can work together effectively to end impunity in even the
> most entrenched situations," said Gaetan Mootoo, Amnesty International
> West Africa researcher.
>
> "It is moments like these that other victims around the world can draw
> on in darker times when justice appears beyond reach. It will nourish
> them with hope and give them strength to fight for what is right. This
> landmark decision should also provide impetus to the African Union or
> individual African states to replicate such efforts to deliver justice
> to victims in other countries in the continent."
>
> The trial against Habré opened in Senegal on July 20, 2015, and 69
> victims, 23 witnesses and 10 expert witnesses testified during the
> proceedings. Among other evidence, the prosecution relied upon
> research reports from Amnesty International from the 1980s. A former
> Amnesty International staff member also testified during the trial as
> an expert witness.
>
> The case sets a new benchmark for efforts to end impunity in Africa,
> as it is the first universal jurisdiction case on the continent, and
> the first time a former African leader has been prosecuted for crimes
> under international law before a court in another African country.
>
> The EAC is also due to hold reparations hearings and is mandated to
> establish a trust fund for all victims, whether or not they
> participated in the proceedings.
>
> "Pressure must continue to be placed on Chad and potentially other
> states to investigate and prosecute others accused of committing
> serious human rights violations between 1982 and 1990, including
> crimes of sexual and gender-based violence, in fair trials without
> recourse to the death penalty. In particular, Chad should investigate
> mass killings that were committed in September 1984 in the south of
> the country," said Mootoo.
>
> Background
>
> Amnesty International has been campaigning since the 1970s in favor of
> victims of human rights violations in Chad. The organization advocated
> that perpetrators of human rights violations committed during the
> Habré regime should be brought to justice. Despite major political
> barriers, victims working with civil society groups led an unyielding
> national, regional and global campaign which led to the establishment
> in August 2012 of the Extraordinary African Chambers (EAC).
>
> Chad's National Commission of Enquiry estimated that 40,000 people may
> have died at the hands of Chad's security forces between 1982 and
> 1990. Government forces committed torture, arbitrary arrests,
> extrajudicial executions and enforced disappearances throughout this
> period. More than 50,000 letters and cards of Amnesty International
> members were found in the archives of the Chadian Directorate of
> Documentation and Security.
>
> --
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Disclaimer:Everyone posting to this Forum bears the sole responsibility for any legal consequences of his or her postings, and hence statements and facts must be presented responsibly. Your continued membership signifies that you agree to this disclaimer and pledge to abide by our Rules and Guidelines.To unsubscribe from this group, send email to: ugandans-at-heart+unsubscribe@googlegroups.com
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___________________________________________________
-Ce dont jai le plus peur, cest des gens qui croient que, du jour au lendemain, on peut prendre une société, lui tordre le cou et en faire une autre.
- The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.
- I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.
- The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.
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